CHAPTER - 2

NOMINALS

Tangkhul-Naga Grammar ( A Study of Word Formation )

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2.0 Introduction

A nominal may be defined as a noun or other word or phrase that occurs in positions typically occupied by nouns. in Tangkhul-Naga not only nouns and pronouns but also any root, with appropriate derivation and inflection, can function as nominal. Apart from number and case inflection, nominals can also be identified by modifiers and classifiers which may be affixed for marking semantic types. Noun classifiers and modifiers may indicate type, specificity, generality, shape, size, color or taste of the referent (± animate).

2.1. Noun classes

Nouns in Tangkhul-Naga belong to two broad sub-classes : ‘concrete’ and ‘abstract’. Concrete nouns are sub-divided into ‘animate’ and ‘inanimate’. both concrete and abstract nouns can be inflected for number and case.

2.1.1. Structural types of noun stems

Structurally, Tangkhul-Naga nouns can be sub-divided into three types: primary, derived and compound.

2.1.1.1 Primary noun stems

Primary noun stems can further be sub-divided into : (i) simple and (ii) complex. For this distinction, I have used the terms free form and bound form to differentiate between ‘simple’ and ‘complex’ primary noun stems. That is, a ‘simple’ stem consists of one free morpheme (which can occur in isolation) and a complex stem consists of one bound morpheme (which cannot occur in isolation) plus a formative prefix. the formative prefix may or may not be deleted in the process of derivation and compounding.

2.1.1.1.1. Primary simple noun stems

A primary simple noun stem consists of one root which is a free form and can occur in isolation without any affixes. Such stems are invariably monosyllabic or bisyllabic. polysyllabic stems are very rare. The following are some examples of simple noun stems:

Monosyllabic
mì	‘man’	ot	‘thing
k^hàì	‘sword’	k^háí	‘fish’
ni η	‘mind’	m∂ η	‘dream’

Bisyllabic
m∂̀cí	‘salt’	làmi	‘cat’
ra ši	‘style’	p^h∂nìt	‘festival’
làηpar	‘thunderbolt’	yàrtùi	‘shoulder’

Polysyllabic
s∂mP^héirok	‘name of a seasonal bird’
caηcíη∂̀wùt	‘rainbow’

2.1.1.1.2. Primary complex noun stems

The mechanism of formation of many primary complex noun stems is to prefix a formative or naturalizing element to the root which is a bound form. Unlike the free forms discussed above, the bound forms cannot occur in isolation, that is, they always take formative prefix to function as a ‘full’ word. There are four formative prefixes (FXs) in the language. They are /a/, /k∂/ - /k^h∂/, /n∂/ and /m∂/. Often these affixes are dropped in the process of derivation and compounding. Thus, consider the following constructions.

Core root + FX		FX dropped in derivation/compounding
à-há FX-hair	‘hair’	kúi-hà head-hair	‘hair (of the head)’
à-v ǘ FX-mother	‘mother’	h∂̀r-v ǘ fowl-mother	‘hen’
k∂̀-con FX-cloth	‘cloth’	con-k^hóm cloth-?	‘a kind of Tangkhul-Naga shawl’
k∂̀-pei FX-spoon	‘spoon’	pei-t^hùk spoon-deep	‘a kind of big spoon’
k^h∂̀-mor FX-mouth	‘mouth’	mor-há mouth-hair	‘beard/mustache’
k^h∂̀-rok FX-throat	‘throat’	rok-rèi throat-AUG	‘bass (as opposed to ‘tenor’)’
η∂̀-cán FX-message ‘message’	‘message’	cán-c∂ m message-old	‘proverb’
η∂̀-lu η FX-‘stone’	‘stone’	lu η-kùi stone-lump	‘stone’
m∂̀-sí FX-air	‘air’	sí-ph∂ n air-fly	‘wind’
m∂̀-cí FX-salt	‘salt’	luη-cí stone-salt	‘a kind of crystal stone which has the color of salt’

2.1.1.1.3 Optional prefixation of /a/

The formative prefix /a/ can be optionally prefixed to a number of concrete simple noun stems/roots. The prefixation here is merely stylistic and thus there is no difference between the bare roots and the /a/-prefixed forms. Examples :

kúi ~ à-kúi	‘head’	p^héi ~ à-p^héi	‘foot’
mìk ~ à-mìk	‘eye’	pái ~à-pái	‘excreta’
t^hiη ~ à-t^hiη	‘wood’	hà ~ à-hà	‘tooth’

2.1.1.2. Derived noun stems

Derived noun stems are the resultant forms of a derivational affix added to a root (free or bound). as such they are basically polymorphemic and polysyllabic innature. the affixal morphemes are derivatives (DRVs) in the sense that they are meaningless in isolation. apart fro the prefixation of /à/, /k∂̀/~/ k^h∂̀/, /m∂̀/ and /η∂̀/, as seen in 2.1.1.1.2. above, there is no other productive derivational processes except the following three types of constructions -- (1) Diminutive/augmentative, (2) Nominalization and (3) Agent noun formation.

2.1.1.2.1. Diminutive /ra/ and augmentative /rei/

/ra/ and /rèi/ are suffixed to some noun stems/roots. They indicate difference in size, quality, etc. Examples are:

Primary	stem/root	Derived stem
koη	‘river’	koη-ra	‘stream/rivulet’
		koη-rèi	‘(big) river’
šim	‘house’	šim-ra	‘clan descended from younger brother’
		šim-rèi	‘clan descended from elder brother’
k^h∂̀-rok	‘throat’	rok-ra	‘tenor’
		rok- rèi	‘bass’
k^h∂ -moη	‘door’	k^h∂ m-ra	‘(small) backside door’
		k^h∂ m- rèi	‘(big) front door’
t^hei	‘fruit/corn’	t^hei-ra-t^hei	‘a kind of small beans’
		t^hei- rèi- t^hei	‘a kind of large beans’

2.1.1.2.2. Nominalization

In Tangkhul-Naga any monomorphemic or compound root with appropriate affixation, can function as noun. There are two types of affixation : /à/ prefixation and /t/ or /k/ suffixation. In some cases a monomorphemic root may take both prefix /à/ and suffix /t/ or /k/. In the process of affixation the neighboring sound (of the root) may be altered. The following are some of the nouns formed with /à/ and /or /t/ or /k/:

Root		Noun form
sá	‘do’	à-s∂̀-k	‘dead / the way one behaves’
và	‘go’	à-va-t	‘going/the way one moves’
thì	‘die’	à-thí-t	‘death/the way one dies’
lèi- šì	‘love’	lei-ša-t	‘love’
là η-so	‘proud’	là η-so-t	‘pride’
m∂η-mü	‘foolish’	m∂η-mú-t	‘foolishness’
cùi	‘high’	à-cúi	‘height’
uη	‘return’	à-wúη	‘arrival/returning’

2.1.1.2.3 Agent noun formation

The agentive marker /∂̀/ (whose phonologically-conditioned allomorphs are /∂̀/, /y∂̀/, /w∂̀/) can be affixed to any stem in the nominalized or non-finite form. Thus, consider the following examples :

k∂-sá-∂̀̀ NOMZ-do-AGT	‘doer’	k∂̀-z∂̀̀t-∂̀̀ NOMZ-go-AGT	‘goer’
k^h∂̀̀-mì-y∂̀̀ NOMZ-give-AGT	‘giver’	kh∂̀̀-lí-y∂̀̀	‘thiet’
k∂̀̀ - šào-w∂̀̀ NOMZ-beat-AGT	‘beater’	k∂̀̀-pheo-w∂̀̀	‘washer’

2.1.1.2.4.Clipping of proper names and /a/ prefixation

Proper names (+ human) having two or more syllables (which may or may not be morphemic) can be clipped to a single syllable preceded by /a/ prefixation. In this process usually syllable having the more ‘affectionate’ meaning ‘pleasing’ sound is chose. The shortened forms are usually used as a mark of informality or used to show affection. The clipped names are not honorific in the sense that they cannot be used to refer to one’s elders or superiors. However, the are not diminutive forms a such. Sound change may or may not occur in the process of clipping, as in the following:

proper names	clipped forms
mai-ton-p^hì	à-ton
lèi- šì-wón	à-wón
yào-mì-là	à-yào
Stephen	a-ti
Kenneth	à-ké
Victor	a-tor/a-ton

2.1.1.3. Compound noun stems

Compound noun stems are formed by combining two or more roots. The resultant form of a compound conveys a consolidated or copulative meaning. The following are some of the various types of compound nouns.

2.1.1.3.1 Compounding of two roots

There are a very large number of compound noun stems formed by combining two roots. For instance, let us examine the occurrence of two roots : /pà η/ ‘hand’ and /zi η/ ‘sky/ heaven’ in compounding :

à- pà η

FX-hand = ‘hand’

k∂̀-ziη

FX-sky = ‘sky’

pà η-t^hei hand-fruit	‘arm’	ziη-kúm sky-set in	‘year’
pàη-k^hùk hand-bend	‘elbow’	ziη-só sky-open	‘east’
pàη-m∂̀yà hand-open	‘palm’	ziη-tún sky-set	‘west’
pàη-k^hum hand-back	‘back of the palm’	zi(η)-mìk sky-eye	‘sun’
pàη-vǘ hand-mother	‘thumb’	ziη-c∂ r sky-white	‘sunlight’
pàη-rít hand-line	‘finger print’	ziη-ro-t sky-rain-NOMZ	‘rain’
pàη-séi hand-pull	‘force/strenght of one’s hand’	ziη-f ǘ sky-cover	‘shade’
pàη-yí-t hand-write-NOMZ	‘hand writing’	ziη-yet sky-manner	‘weather’
pàη-t^hém hand-skill	‘handicraft’	ziη-hám sky-?	‘sunshine’

2.1.1.3.2 Compounding of three roots

Compounding of three roots is also very extensively used the language. the following are some of them :

pà/pái-lòη-rü mad/excreta-flow-liquid	‘dirty/muddy rain water’
ziη-t^h∂ n-wò sky-dawn -king	‘Morning Star/Venus’
ziη-yín-wò sky-dusk -king	‘Evening Star / Venus’
mìk-c∂ n-rü eye-weak-transparent	‘spectacles’

2.1.1.3.3. Root + Expressive

A number of expressives (ideophones or onomatopoeias) can be combined with roots to form stems having copulative or

consolidated meaning . examples are :

sèi – mùn

chew-EXP (sense of touch in breaking soft stone, etc.)

‘soft chewable bones of animals (especially when properly cooked)’

h∂m-m∂̀k

pot-EXP (soft/powdery; the sensation in touching such matter)

‘black soot (gathered on cooking pot)’

2.1.1.3.4. Compounding in proper names

Most of the proper names in the language are formed by combining two or more roots (with or without affixes). The following are some of the compounded male and female names:

mai-ton-p^hì face-soft-princess	šim-rèi- šaη house-AUG-rich
p^hì-là-wón princess-F-flower	niη-khán-η∂̀m mind-free-bold
rìη-cán- p^hì live-envy-princess	súi-sá-wùη judge-do-prince’

2.1.1.3.5. Other types of compound : with ‘cranberry’ morphemes

There are a large number of ‘cranberry’ morphemes or unidentifiable morphemes (that is, bound bases whose meanings are lost to the present-day speakers) which are compounded with certain ‘host’ nouns to form nouns havign some sort of relationship with the ‘host’ nouns. Thus, consider the following examples :

(1) /pà/,

/rá/,

/súm/,

/mòη/,

/cán/,

/fü/

These cranberry morphemes are added to mei ‘fire’ to form nouns related in meaning to the primary stem :

mei = ‘fire’	‘ash’
mei-rá	‘oily pinewood used for lighting’
mei-súm	‘gathering (especially of boys in a girl’s house) sitting round the fire –place in the kitchen’
mei-mòη	‘a small area (in jhum farming) where a lot of wood is collected and burned to make the area more fertile (so that some ‘special’ vegetables can be planted)’
mei-cán	‘bright flame (which is less visible that the reddish flame)’
mei-f ǘ	‘big fire (especially made during festivals)’, ‘hell’

(2) /küroṕ/,

/k^h∂̀mà/,

/k^haìmài/,

/tràk^hà/,

/sìt/,

/t^hùk/

/pum/

These are some of the various cranberry morphemes added to thei ‘fruit/corn’ in forming various names of fruits and corns. (In the process of compounding, discontinuous reduplication of the ‘host’ noun (root) occurs if the unidentifiable roots is monosyllabic.

à-thei = any fruit/corn which is turned from flower

kǘrop-t^hei	‘cucumber’	k^haìmài- t^hei	‘pumpkin’
k^h∂̀mà- t^hei	‘maize’	tràk^hà- t^hei	‘grape’
t^hei-sìt- t^hei	‘fig’	t^hei-t^hùk- t^hei	‘wild apple’
t^hei-pum- t^hei	‘tomato’	t^hei-kui- t^hei	‘soybean’

(3) /kònrì/

/súirì/

/ph∂̀t/

/cèm/

These are some of the various cranberry morphemes found in compound names of various vegetables/plants.

h∂n= anything (meat, vegetables, etc.) which can be used to make ‘curry’

kòηrì-h∂n	‘a kind of bitter edible wild root with small leaves’
súirì- h∂n	‘mint (leaves)’
h∂n-p^h∂̀t- h∂n	‘a kind of edible weed grown in damp/wet places’
h∂n-cèm- h∂n	‘a kind of edible weed grown especially on river banks’

(4) /yaη/,

/tí/,

/sìmì/,

/pán/

/rá/

These cranberry morphemes are added to k^hai ‘fish’ to form the following stems :

k^hái-yaη	‘a basket (expecially used for carrying fish)’
k^hái-tí	‘crushed and fermented fish chutney’
k^hái-sìmì	‘a large dark-skinned snake-like fish’
k^hái-pán	‘a kind of white-scaled fish’
k^hái -rá	‘a kind of bright-colored fish’

There are hundreds of cranberry morphoemes or unidentifiable roots which can be added to various roots to form various compound nouns. the following are some of the most commonly used nouns formed with the various unidentifiable roots:

pàη-m∂̀reη hand - ?	‘finger’	phéi-m∂̀reη foot - ?
h∂m-pài pot -?	‘a traditional black earthen pot’
và-nü bird-?	‘swan’
mì-kúmo man-?	‘mankind, man’
làη-tik eagle -?	‘kite’
koklì-wón ?-flower	‘rhododendron’
kúi-laη head - ?	‘migraine’
p^héi-m∂̀cǜ foot-?	‘heel’
pàη-p^hó hand - ?	‘handle’
sèi-muk cattle - ?	‘cow & bull’	s(e)ì-lùi cattle - ?	‘buffalo’

To sum up, there are varied types of noun stems in Tangkhul Naga. In addition to the examples given above there are nominal stems formed from expressives, or by reduplicating etc. To avoid repetition they will be discussed later in chapter 5.

2.2 Pronouns

Pronouns are a lexical category whose members typically function as nouns or noun phrases in isolation, not normally requiring or permitting the presence of determiners or other adnominals, and whose members typically have little or no intrinsic meaning or reference. like nouns, pronouns also take case and number suffixes and function as a subject or an object of a verb, but unlike nouns pronouns are a small closed class of nominals.

Pronouns in Tangkhul-Naga are divided into six classes : (1) Personal, (2) Demonstrative, (3) Interrrogative, (4) Indefinite, (5) Reflexive and (6) Relative.

2.2.1. Personal pronoun

Personal pronouns are a typically small and closed set of lexical items with the principal function of distinguishing among individuals in terms of the deictic category of person. There are three persons in Tangkhul-Naga - - first person (1), second person, and third person (3). All the personal pronouns have singular (SG), dual (DU) and plural (PL) numbers and take the various case suffixes and post-positions or post-nominal morphemes without changing their bases. The following table shows the declension of personal pronouns.

Person	Singular		Dual	Plural
1	i	‘I’	i-ní	‘we two’	i-t^hùm	‘we’
2	n∂	‘you’	n∂-ní	‘you two’	n∂- t^hùm	‘you’
3	à	‘he/she’	à-ní	‘they two’	à- t^hùm	‘they’

2.2.2. Demonstrative pronoun

Tangkhul-Naga has a three way distinction in respect of demonstrative pronouns – (1) Proximate, (2) Remote and (3) Elevational. All these pronouns can take the plural marker /pìη/. They cannot take dual marker but can be modified by the numeral k^h∂ -ní ‘two’. they also can take all the case suffixes.

(1) Proximate. The Tangkhul-Naga proximate demonstrtive pronoun is hi ‘this’. It can be referred to person (s) or thing(s) which is/are within sight or ‘near’ in the mind of the speaker.

(2) Remote. Remote demonstrative pronoun ci ‘that’can refer to person(s) or thing(s) which is/are either ‘within sight’ or ‘out of sight’ of the speaker. it has the same inflection as the proximate demonstrative pronoun.

(3) Elevational. This pronoun is again subdivided into: (i) High positional, (ii) Level positional and (iii) Low positional. It is used in the context of position of the speakers and the person(s) or thing(s) referred to. Like proximate and remote demonstrative pronouns, the elevationals also take case and plural markers.

The following shows the bases or all the demonstrative pronouns :

Demonstrative Pronouns :

singular			plural
Proximate :	hi	‘this	hì-pìη	‘these’
Remote :	ci	‘that’	cì- pìη	‘those’
Elevational/positional :
High :	à-rí-ci ( -pìη) FX-ELV-that (-PL)
	‘that (/those) up there’			ci becomes low-toned
Level :	à-rá-ci ( -pìη) FX-ELV-that (-PL)			cì in plural construction
	‘that (/those) over there’
Low	à-hú-ci ( -pìη) FX-ELV-that (-PL)
	‘that (/those) down there’

2.2.3. Interrogative pronoun

There are three interrogative pronouns in the language : (1) k^hì ‘what’, (2) k^hì-pa ‘who’, (3) k∂ -cì ‘which’. These pronouns take the plural marker mei (mei) and all the case markers. The number of interrogative pronouns is given below :

k∂ =WH-element

singular		plural
k^hì	‘what’	k^hì-mèi (-mèi) what-PL (-REDU)	‘what what (PL)
k^hì-pa what-SPEC	‘who’	k^hì-pa-mèi (-mèi) what-SPEC- PL (-REDU)	‘who who (PL)
k∂ -cì WH-DET	‘which’	k^hì-cì-mèi (-mèi) WH-DET-PL (-REDU)	‘which which (PL)

2.2.4 Indefinite pronoun

Indefinite pronouns do not mark or point out nay particular person or thing. As a rule the pronouns of this class are also inflected for all the cases but not for number. the following are the indefinite pronouns in the language.

(a) k^hi-k^h∂̀ ‘something (k^hi here is mid-toned)

This pronoun is formed from two roots and can mean either ‘something’, ‘nothing’ or ‘anything’ depending on it’s syntactic relation. Thus, consider the following constructions.

(1) n∂	k^hi-k^h∂̀	ni η-càη
you	what-ONE	mind-tire-Q (YN)
‘do you want something?’
(2) i	k^hi-k^h∂̀	m∂ -niη-càη-m∂-n∂̀
I	what-ONE	NEG-mind-tire-IND-COP
‘I don’t want anything/I want nothing’

In plural construction, either k^hì ‘what; or the unit marker k^h∂̀ (=one) is reduplicated, as in:

(1) n∂	k^hì-k^hi-k^h∂̀	t^héi-lá
you	what-what-ONE	see-Q (YN)
‘Do you see something (PL)?’
(2) n∂	k^hi-k^h∂̀-k^h∂̀	t^héi-lá
you	what-ONE-ONE	see-Q (YN)
‘Do you see something (PL)?’

(b) k^hì-pa- k^h∂̀

‘anyone’,

‘no one’,

‘someone’

This pronoun consists of two roots and the specifier/ definitizer /pa/. The combined form may mean either ‘anyone’ or ‘no one’ depending on the its syntactic relation. Structure and occurrence this pronoun is shown below :

(1) k^hì-pa- k^h∂̀ what-SPEC-ONE
who anyone/no/one/someone
(2) k^hì-pa- k^h∂̀	lèi-lá
anyone	be- Q (YN)
‘Is (there) anyone ?’
(3) k^hì-pa- k^h∂̀	m∂ -lèi-m∂-n∂̀
who-ONE	NEG-be-‘IND-COP
‘There is no one’
n∂	k^hì-pa- k^h∂̀-li	s∂ m-p^h∂̀ η- ηai-lá
you	someone-DAT	contact-receive-WANT-Q(YN)
‘Do you want to meet someone?’

(b) k∂ -ci- k∂ - t^há

‘whoever’,

‘whichever’

This pronominal is formed from two roots with two affixes. Its formation and occurrences are illustrated below :

(1) k∂ -ci- k∂ - t^há WH-DET-WH-like
like that ‘whichever/whoever/whatever’
(2) k∂ -ci- k∂ - t^há-n∂̀	và- ηái-∂̀k^h∂	và-pai-r∂
whoever-NOM	go-DES-COND	go-PERM-FUT
‘Whoever wants to go, (he/she) may go’
(3) k∂ -ci- k∂ - t^há	k^hui- ηái- k^h∂ l∂	k^hui-pai-r∂
whichever	take-DES-Q (WH)	take-PERM-FUT
‘whichever/whatever (you) want, (you) can take’

2.2.5 Reflexive pronoun

There is no single-stem reflexive pronoun in the language. Reflexive meaning is expressed by the adverbialized stem k^h∂̀l∂̀t-t∂ ‘reversely’. The formation and occurrence is exemplified below :

k^h∂̀l∂̀t = rt. of ‘reverse’ ‘inside out’, etc.

(1) k^h∂̀l∂̀t-t∂
reverse-ADV	‘reversely’
(2) i k^h∂̀l∂̀t-t∂	m∂̀lùη	vat-∂̀
I reversely	heart	burst-NFUT
‘I’ m angry with myself’
(3) à-t^hùm	k^h∂̀l∂̀t-t∂-n∂̀	sá-r∂
3-PL	reversely-NOM	do-FUT
‘They will do (it) themselves’ (< You need not help them)
(4) Àton à	k^h∂̀l∂̀t-t∂-wùi-vaη-máη	ph∂̀niη-∂̀
A. she	reversely-GEN-BEN-ONLY	think-NFUT
‘Aton thinks only for herself’/
‘Aton is selfish’

2.2.6. Relative pronoun

A relative pronoun serves to link a relative clause to the noun phrase with which it forms a part. in Tangkhul-Naga the demonstrative pronoun ci ‘that’ also serves either as a determiner or a relative pronoun. The following construction show how ci is used in different sentence structures.

(1) n∂-n∂̀	niη-k∂̀-càη	ot	ci	hi-n∂̀
you-NOM	mind-NOMZ-tire	thing	that	this-COP
‘This is the thing that/which you want’
(2) Àton-n∂̀	k^hui-k^h∂̀-rá	ci	ci-n∂̀
A. –NOM	take-NOMZ-come	that	that-COP
‘That (thing) is what Aton brought’

2.3. Gender sub-system

There is no gender agreement in the language, and thus affixation of gender markers is purely lexical or morphological. Gender may or may not be marked overtly on nouns; often only some nouns are overtly marked. In Tangkhul-Naga there are usually some clear semantic bases for the gender classes, typically involving such obvious notions as size, age, shape, humanness, and sex. The following are the gender markers in the language.

Masculine	Feminine
và ‘male’/ ‘father’	lá ‘female’
- - - -	v ǘ ‘mother’

2.3.1. /và/ : /lá/ (male : female)

These suffixes are added generally to determine the sexes of very few monosyllabic names of domestic animals. The feminine suffix /lá/ also carries the additional meaning ‘young’. Thus consider the following examples :

Masculine		Feminine
sèi-và		sèi-lá
cattle-M	‘bull/buffalo (M)’	cattle-F	‘female calf’
hòk-và		hòk-là
swine-M	‘boar’	swine-F	‘young swine (F)’
fü-và		fü-là
dog-M	‘male dog’	dog-F	‘young bitch’

Sometimes, /lá/ suffixation does not form the counterpart of the masculine noun, as in :

h∂̀r-và		h∂̀r- šó
fowl M	‘cock’	fowl - ?	‘young female fowl’
		* h∂̀r- lá
		fowl-F	‘young fowl (F)’

In general, the suffixes /và/ and /lá/ are not affixed to bisyllabic animal names. To avoid this problem, the full words /à- và/ ‘male’ and /à- là/ ‘female’ are added, as in :

làmi

à- và

‘male cat’

làmi

à- là

‘young female cat’

/la/ is also affixable to roots/stems to form personal names. Examples :

(1)	làη-so-là
	proud-F	‘a woman who is proud’
(2)	à-wón-là
	flower-F	‘a woman who is like a flower’ (Habitual name of a woman)
(3)	c∂̀p-mèr-là
	cry-EXP-F	‘woman (expecially young girl child) who often cries’ [mer =’mellow’ facial expression when one is about to cry]

[la (+human become low toned]

2.3.2. /và/ : /vǘ/ (father : mother)

These root for ‘father’ and ‘mother’ respectively can be affixed to noun stems to indicate masculinity and femininity respectively. They also indicate meaning such as ‘old’, ‘maturity’, etc. Examples :

Masculine		Feminine
(1) à-và FX-fater	‘father’	à-vǘ FX-mother	‘mother’
(2) h∂̀r-và fowl-M	‘cock’	h∂̀r-vǘ fowl-F	‘hen’
(3) hòk-và swine-M	‘boar’	hòk- vǘ swine-F	‘female swine’

Non-human animate and inanimate nouns may take /và/and /vü/. In such constructions the suffixes simply denote difference in size, age, etc. Again, some nouns have only masculine or feminine forms. Thus, consider the following :

Masculine		Feminine
(4) rám-và hut-M	‘small hut’	rám-vü hut-F	‘big hut’
(5) k^hái- và fish-M	‘a kind of muddy water fish’	(none)
(6) (none)		khài-vǘ knife-F	‘big knife/sword’
(7) (none)		rüméi-vü widow-F	‘widow’
(8) (none)		ka-v ǜ path-F	‘road’

[vü becomes mid-toned in (7), low-toned in (8)]

The feminine suffix /vü/ may also indicate ‘respect’ or ‘honorific’, and can even be suffixed to masculine stems. Thus, consider the following examples :

Masculine		Feminine
(9) à-và-vü		à-v ǘ-vü
FX-father-F	‘father (HON)’	FX-mother-F	‘mother (HON)’
(10) à-mei-vü		à-cón-vü
FX-elder-F brother	‘elder brother (HON)’	FX-elder-F sister	‘elder sister (HON)’

The above discussion shows that Tangkhul-Naga has a gender system showing some degree of correlation with sex. However, we should not confuse gender with sex : sex is a matter of biology while gender is a matter of grammar which has no necessary connection with sex. As seen above, in Tangkhul-Naga, there are feminine nouns or masculine nouns with feminine suffix which have no connection with the female sex. Natural gender distinctions are made covertly in many words referring to males and females. Some male and female noun pairs show no derivational relationship or morphological connection. Again, the unqualified genderless term of non-human animate or inanimate nominals, normally, denotes the male member of the species. Often the feminine suffix is added only when the specification of the female member is necessary. Moreover, there is no need of either specificatory suffixation if the gender is clear from the context. The gender distinction is indispensable only in case of nouns standing for human beings.

In the absence of grammatical gender all inanimate objects, generally, are genderless. Gender distinction is confined to the nouns of animate class only. Thus, verb forms in Tangkhul-Naga do not attest any kind of gender distinction.

2.4 Number

There are three numbers in the language - - singular, dual and plural. There is no number concordance between the subject and the predicate in a sentence. In all these cases, singular number is left unmarked. Personal pronouns take the dual marker /ní/ (<k^h∂̀-ní = ‘two’) and plural marker / t^hùm/ (<k^h∂̀-t^hùm = ‘three’). Non-personal pronominals and nominals take a separate plural marker /pìη/. Thus, consider the following structures.

(1) Singular (ø)	Dual (-ni)	Plural (-t^hum)
i	i-ní	i- t^hum
ISG ‘I’	1-DU ‘we two’	1-PL ‘we’
n∂	n∂- ní	n∂- t^hum
2SG ‘you’	2-DU ‘you two’	2-PL ‘you (PL)
à	à- ní	à- t^hum
3SG ‘he/she’	3-DU ‘they two’	3-PL ‘they’

(2) /pìη/. This is a plural marker for animate, inanimate and abstract nouns.

mì	‘man’	mì- pìη	‘men’
sèi	‘cow’	sèi- pìη	‘cows’
šim	‘house’	šim- pìη	‘house’
la:	‘song’	la:-pìη	‘songs’

2.5 Classifiers

There are three human classifiers : / ši/, /η∂̀rá/, /loη/. They are discussed in order below

2.5.1 / ši/

This marker denotes ‘belongingness’ of a nominal stem to a particular community, family or group. It also denotes plurality. Thus, consider the following construction.

(a) Singular + Classifier

i-ši
1-CL	‘I and my family/group/tribe, etc.’
n∂- ši
2-CL	‘you and your family/group/tribe, etc.’
à- ši
3-CL	‘he/she and his/her family/group/tribe, etc.’
Jóhn-ši
J.-CL	‘John and his familly/group/tribe, etc.’

(b) Dual + Classifier

i-ní- ši
1-DU-CL	‘We two and Our family (families)/group (s) / tribe (s), etc.’

(3) Plural +Classifier :

i-t^hùm- ši
1-PL-CL	‘We and Our family (families)/group (s) / tribe (s), etc.’

2.5.2. / η∂̀rá/

This classifier denotes ‘having the status of’, and can be added to very few kinship terms and titles/addresses. It may or may not denote plurality, that is, / η∂ra/ is [± Plural]. Examples are :

nào- η∂̀rá child-CL	‘child/children and people like him/her/them (same status/age)
à-vǘ- η∂̀rá FX-mother-CL	‘mother (s) and people like him/her/them (same status/age)
oca- η∂̀rá teacher-CL	‘teacher (s) and people like him/her/them (same status)

2.5.3 /loη/

This classifier can be added to kinship terms, titles or proper personal names. Examples are :

à-và-loη FX-father-CL	‘father and his friends/people like him’
Àton- loη A. -CL	‘Aton and her friends/people like her’
oca-loη teacher-CL	‘teacher and his/her colleagues/people like him/her’

2.6. Specifier/definitizer/pa/

The specifier /pa/ can be added to any nominal. It denotes [+ specific} as well as [ + definite], and in some cases [ + agentive]. /pa/ is such an ‘important’ element of Tangkhul-Naga linguistic system that a slight misuse of this can create contrasting information structure. The following sentences show how the specifier is used in different contexts.

(1) i-pa	và-r∂
I-SPEC	go-FUT	‘I will go (not anyone else)’
(2) i-pa-li	mì-lù
I-SPEC DAT-	give-IMP	‘give me (not to X or Y)’
(3) k∂̀-pí-pa	phá-mèi-∂̀
NF-sleep-SPEC	good-COMPRT-NFUT
‘sleeping is better (not sitting, leanig, etc.)’
(4) Delhi-pa-li	pai-mèi-y∂̀
D.-SPEC-LOC	cheap-COMPRT-FUT
‘(It) will be cheaper in Delhi (not in any other city/place)’

2.7. Topic marker /∂̀/

Topic in the language is overtly marked with the suffix /-∂̀/. Like the Japanese topic marking with the particle wa, topic marking in Tangkhul-Naga plays a prominent role int he grammatical organization of sentences. However, unlike in Japanese, topic is not too frequently marked. /∂̀/ has three other phonologically conditioned alternants -/y∂̀/, /v∂̀/ and /w∂̀/. The following sentences illustrate topic construction in the language.

(1) Topic associated with a subject :
n∂-v∂̀	m∂̀-và-lù
you-TOP	NEG-go-IMP	‘you don’t go (someone else will go’)
(2) Topic associated with an object :
Àton-li-y∂̀	m∂ -mì-lù
A. –DAT-TOP	NEG-give-IMP
‘Don’t give to Aton (though you’re giving to others; (You) give to someone else)’
(3) Topic associated with verbal noun/stem
k∂̀-kào-w∂̀	kào-w∂̀	k^h∂ p∂ η-lák-∂̀
NOMZ-thin-TOP	thin-NFUT	but strong-INTSF-NFUT
‘As for thinness/being thin (he/she) is thin but he/she is very strong’

2.8. Case

Case is a grammatical category which is established on two counts - - (1) syntactic correlation between the nominals and the verb; and (2) between two nominals in a syntactic unit. The latter is that some relationships, such as genitive, are expressed between a nominal and another nominal and are accepted as case relationship.

There are six cases in the language. They are expressed by adding bound case makers to the noun phrase. In linear sequence, the case marker is attached to the last constituent available in the noun phrase. Some case relations are expressed by the use of a single suffix, and in some relations, a combination of two or more markers are used.

2.8.1. Nominative /n∂̀/

/n∂̀/ marks the nominative subject of the transitive or in transitive verb. Thus consider the following sentences :

(1) i-n∂̀	šào-r∂
I-NOM	beat-FUT	‘I will beat (someone)’
(2) i-n∂̀	k∂̀-t^hai	t^hà-ràn
I-NOM	NOMZ-hungry	like-TIME
‘when I am/was hungry. . . . ‘

2.8.2. Dative/locative/li/

/li/ marks both locative and dative subject or object. Thus consider the following sentences :

(1) i	Delhi-li	t∂̀m-∂̀
I	D. –LOC	study-NFUT
(2) i-n∂̀	n∂-li	lèi- šì-y∂̀
I-NOM	you-DAT	love-NFUT	‘I love you’.
(3) n∂-li	z∂m-li	k^hì	m∂̀η-k^h∂̀- ηái- k^h∂̀l∂̀
you-DAT	liquor-DAT	what	drink-/NOMZ-DES-Q (WH)
‘ I wonder what makes you feel like drinking’
(Lit : ? To you what wanting to drink to liquor)

2.8.3. Instrumental/associative/éin∂/

The instrumentality of an object with reference to an action is marked by instrumental case marker éin∂. This marker is also used to express the casual or inherent association between nouns. Thus, consider the following examples:

(1) m∂̀rì-éin∂	šào-lù
iron-INSTR	beat-IMP	‘Beat with iron’
(2) Jóhn-éin∂	James	và-r∂
J. –ASS	J.	go-FUT
‘John will go with James/John and James will go’

In sentence (2) above, /éin∂/ may or may not be an associative marker because boht the translation are equally acceptable. For the non-associative translation compare the following sentence :

(1) Delhi-wùi	mì-pì η
D. –GEN	man-PL	‘people of Delhi’
(2) i-wùi nào
I-GEN child	‘my child’

2.8.4. Genitive /wùi/

The basic function of the genitive is to indicate the relationship between two nominals in which one acts as a qualifier of the other. Examples are :

(1) Delhi-wùi	mì- pìη
D. –GEN	man-PL	‘people of Delhi’
(2) i-wùi	nào
I GEN	child	‘my child’

2.8.5. Ablative/source / wùi-éin∂/

Ablative case is formed by combining genitive /wui/ and instrumental/associative/ éin∂/. The combined form typically indicates the source. Ablative marking is exemplified below :

(1) i- wùi-éin∂	k^hui-lù
I-GEN-ASS	take-IMP	‘Take from me’
ABL
(2) Delhi- wùi-éin∂	Manipur	hi	tà-ì
D. –ABL	M.	DET	far-NFUT
‘Manipur is far (away) from Delhi’

2.8.6. Benefactive/wùi-vaη

The benefactive case marker is formed by combining the genitive /wùi/ and the suffix / vaη/. Examples are :

(1) i- wùi- vaη
I-BEN	‘for me’
(2) k^hì- wùi- vaη
what-BEN	‘for what (purpose/reason)’

2.8.7. Colligated usage of case markers and other suffixes

Some colligated usage of case suffixes are available in the language. One such example is the combined form of genitive and locative markers /wùi/ and /li/ respectively. The combined form express ‘possession’, ‘belonging’ or ‘location’. [The usage is same as the Hindi pas as in mere pas]. Thus, consider the following.

(1) i- wùi-li	rá-lù
I-GEN-LOC	come-IMP	‘Come to me!’
(2) n∂- wùi-li	k∂ -yá-k^h∂̀	lèi- k^h∂̀l∂̀
you-GEN-LOC	WH-QT-ONE	be-Q (WH)
‘How much/many are there with you?/
How much/many do you have?’

There are some other suffixes which express spatial relationship between nouns. They are secondary suffixes and are affixed to post-positions and adverbs. When these suffixes come after a noun and express the definite spatial relation they are treated as post-positions and when they modify the verb with respect to place, they are treated as adverbs. These suffixes can also be compared with nouns in the sense that they take ablative, genitive and dative case suffixes. The following are some of such suffixes or post positions.

(1) η∂̀cái-li
i-ní-wùi	η∂̀cái-li	á-kh∂̀	và-r∂
I-DU-GEN	among-LOC	FX-one	go-FUT
‘One of us (two) will go’
(Lit : ? Among at of we-two one will go)
(2) η∂̀c∂̀i-li
i-ní-wùi	η∂̀c∂̀i-li	p∂m-lù
I-DU-GEN	between-LOc	sit-IMP
‘(You) sit in between two of us’

2.9 Numerals

As the word ‘number’ is used as a grammatical category, ‘numeral’ is often the preferred word for referring to the series ‘one’, ‘two, ‘three’, etc. and ‘first’, ‘second’, ‘third’, etc. In traditional grammar, numerals may be treated as a subclass of adjectives (and called ‘numeral adjectives’) or divided between adjective and pronoun.

From the mopho-syntactic point of view, numerals in Tangkhul-Naga can function as determiners, nominals, adjectivals and adverbials by taking appropriate affixes - - formative prefix, nominalizer / non-finite markers, attributive, agentive marker, etc. One very interesting feature of numerals in the language is that they, in derivation, tend to denote pragmatic forces. Numerals in Tangkhul-Naga can be treated separately because of their peculiar derivational patterns and their ordering. (For ordinal numerals, see section 3.1.1.6 of Chapter 3).

Cardinal Numerals. There is no form for zero in the language. The following are the forms for numerals from ‘one’ to ‘ten’

1 á-k^h∂̀ FX-ONE	‘one	5 p^h∂̀ ηa	‘five’
		6 t^h∂̀rùk	‘six’
2 k^h∂ -ní FX-two	‘two’	7 síní	‘seven’
		8 cìs∂̀t	‘eight’
3 k∂̀- t^hùm FX-three	‘three’	9 cìko	‘nine’
		10 t^h∂̀rà	‘ten’
4 m∂̀tì	‘four’

The numerals from eleven (11) to nineteen (19) are formed by adding /t∂/, the adverbializer or verbal particle’ followed by the basic numerals numerals. [/t∂/ is always added in compound numerals (Excepting decimal numerals) up to ninety-nine (99)]. Thus, examine the following constructions :

Basic Numerals		Compound Numerals
1 á-k^h∂̀	‘one’	t^h∂̀rà-t∂ á- t^h∂̀	‘eleven’
2 k^h∂ -ní	‘two’	t^h∂̀rà-t∂ k^h∂ -ní	‘twelve’
3 k∂̀- t^hùm	‘three’	t^h∂̀rà-t∂ k∂̀- t^hùm	‘thirteen’
4 m∂̀tì	‘four’	t^h∂̀rà-t∂ m∂̀tì	‘fourteen’

Numerals for the products of ten are formed in three different ways. m∂̀kǜ ‘twenty’ (20) is a completely new form not relating to any allomorphs or allophones of the basic numerals. t^hùm-rà ‘thirty’ (30) is formed by combining the root for ‘three’ and the second syllable of t^h∂ra ‘ten’. For the rest decimal numerals, /h∂ η/ is prefixed to the basic numerals. These are shown below :

Basic numerals	Allomorphs of ‘ten’	Decimal	numerals
2 k^h∂ -ní	-	m∂̀kǜ	20
3 k∂̀- t^hùm	-rà	t^hùm-rà	30
4 m∂̀tì	h∂ η	h∂ η- m∂̀tì	40
5 p^h∂̀ ηà	h∂ η	h∂ η- p^h∂̀ ηà	50

For counting above twenty, the same pattern for eleven (11) to nineteen (19) is used; that is, /t∂/ is added and followed by the basic numerals.

From the above it is see that Tangkhul-Naga numeral system is a combination of decimal and vigesimal numeral systems.

Basic numerals		Compound Numerals
1 á-k^h∂̀	‘one’	m∂̀kǜ-t∂ á- k^h∂̀	21
2 k^h∂ -ní	‘two’	t^hùm-rà-t∂ k^h∂ -ní	32
3 k∂̀- t^hùm	‘three’	h∂ η-m∂̀tì-t∂ k∂̀- t^hùm	42
4 m∂̀tì	‘four’	h∂ η-p^h∂̀ ηà-t∂ m∂̀tì	54

The form for hundred is / šá/. For numeral from one hundred and one to one hundred and nine (101-109), an additive particle /pá/ is infixed. For numerals from hundred and ten and above, simply the compound numerals are added a in the following table.

pá = rt. of ‘piece’

sá = rt. of ‘hundred’

Below 99		Above 100
á-k^h∂̀	1	šá-k^h∂̀	pá-k^h∂̀	101
k^h∂ -ní	2	šá-k^h∂̀	pá- k^h∂ -ní	102
t^h∂̀rà	10	šá-k^h∂̀	t^h∂̀rà	110
t^h∂̀rà-t∂ p^h∂̀ ηà	15	šá-k^h∂̀	t^h∂̀rà-t∂ p^h∂̀ ηà	115
h∂ η-cìko-t∂- cìko	99	šá-k^h∂̀	h∂ η-cìko-t∂- cìko	199

For the numerals and multiples of hundred or thousand above, the same combination pattern is employed throughout

	Basics	Hundred		Thousand
1	á-k^h∂̀	šá-k^h∂̀	100	t^hiη-k^h∂̀	1000
2	k^h∂ -ní	šá- k^h∂ -ní	200	t^hiη- k^h∂ -ní	2000
3	k∂̀- t^hùm	šá- k∂̀- t^hùm	300	t^hiη- k∂̀- t^hùm	3000

[t^hiη is mid-toned in 1000]

The highest numeral in Tangkhul-Naga is t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ (from t^hiη = thousand, n∂m= ‘to press’/ ‘overcrowd’) one hundred thousand’(or one lakh). For numerals above one lakh, the same additive or multiplicative pattern is followed as in the case of the tens, hundreds, and thousands till the counting reaches t^hiη-n∂ m t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ ‘ten-billions (US) or ‘1000 crores’. The following table roughly shows the numeral shapes above t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ one lakh’ :

t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h ∂̀ (100000) ‘one lakh’ and above

t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀	one lakh	100000
t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ pá-k^h∂̀	one lakh & one	100001
t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ t^h∂̀rà	one lakh & ten	100010
t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ šá-k^h∂̀	one lakh & one hundred	100100
t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ t^hiη- k^h∂̀	one lakh & one thousand	101000
t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀ t^hìη t^h∂̀rà	one lakh & ten thousand	110000
t^hiη-n∂ m k^h∂ -ní	two lakhs	200000
t^hiη-n∂ m t^h∂̀rà	ten lakhs	1000000
t^hiη-n∂ m šá-k^h∂̀	one crore	10000000
t^hiη-n∂ m t^hiη- k^h∂̀	ten crores	100000000
t^hiη-n∂ m t^hiη- t^h∂̀rà	one hundred crores	1000000000
t^hiηn∂ m t^hiη-n∂ m-k^h∂̀	one hundred crores	10000000000

2.10 Measurements

There are several types of traditional measurements in Tangkhul-Naga. The following are some of them which are used till today.

2.10.1 Space measurement

Measurement of length, distance, etc. are expressed in the following terms and manners.

yùm=rt. of ‘dissolve and vanish’

rí=rt. of ‘equal in size’

[low-toned yùm becomes high-toned]

(1) mìk k^h∂̀-yúm-rí-k^h∂̀
eye NOMZ-vanish-EQUAL-UNIT
foreign body in the eye
‘as big as foreign body in the eye’ (smallest visible size)
(2) s∂m-pá-rí-k^h∂̀
hail –piece-EQUAL-UNIT	‘as thin as a piece of hair
(3) s∂ηhá-k^h∂̀
finger-joint-UNIT	‘length of one finger joint (about one inch)’
(4) á- k^h∂̀-p∂ r
FX-ONE-place on top	‘width of the index finger
(5) k^h∂ -ní- p∂ r
FX-two-place on top	‘two fingers’ breadth’
(6) k∂̀-t^hùm-p∂ r
FX-three-place on top	‘three fingers’ breadth’
(7) m∂̀tì-p∂ r
four-place on top	‘four fingers’ breadth’
(8) pàη m∂̀ya-k^h∂̀
hand-palm-UNIT	‘breadth of the palm of hand’
(9) z∂m-t^há-k^h∂̀
?-seed-UNIT	‘width from the second joint of the fourth finger to the point of thumb’ (about three inches)’
(10) sü-k^hap
short-span	‘width from the point of the thumb to the fourth finger stretched out’
(11) k^hap-k^h∂̀
span-UNIT	‘one span (width from thumb to middle finger)’
(12) k^hùi-niη-k^h∂̀
fold-?-UNIT	‘about one and a half feet (from elbow join to tip of middle finger)’
(13) t^hìk-kái-k^h∂̀
chest-divide-UNIT	‘about one yard (from the center of the collar bone/chest to the tip of the middle finger)’
(14) l∂m-k^h∂̀
fathom-UNIT	‘one fathom (width from the tip of middle finger of one hand to the tip of middle finger of the other with the arms fully extended)’
(15) t^h∂̀ η-zá-k^h∂̀
day-go-UNIT	‘one day’s journey (about twenty miles)’
(16) η∂̀-thór-za / thór-za-k^h∂̀
FX-early go/early-go-ONE morning	‘a journey before breakfast (about four miles)’

2.10.2. Paddy (/land) measurement

There is no measurement for big area in Tangkhul-Naga.
The area of value of the paddy field is not calculated in length and breath, but in the quantity of grain it yields. Grain is measured by suη ‘a kind of basket; and p^héikám k∂̀-con ‘a kind of cloth’ Thus, examine the following constructions :

(1) suη-t∂ m-k^h∂̀
basket-measure-UNIT		‘about 40 kgs’
(2) p^héikám	k∂̀-con-k^h∂̀
pheikam	FX-cloth-UNIT	‘about 50 kgs’

p^héi-kám k∂̀-con ‘p^héi-kám cloth’ one of the largest cloths (worn in olden days) is spread out on the threshing floor and filled it with grain (paddy) to its utmost capacity. One k∂̀-con weights about 40 to 50 kgs. A family of two (husband and wife) would get enough paddy for one year if the field yields 10 k∂̀-cons (which is about 450 to 500 kgs).

2.10.3 Salt measurement

Tangkhul-Naga salt measurements are derived from various objects/roots, as in the following examples :

šùp = rt. of ‘pick up (powder, etc.) with index and middle fingers and thumb’

šum=rt. of ‘pick up (powder, etc.) with the palm and all the fingers’

[sùp becomes high-toned]

[sum becomes high-toned]

(1) šúp- k^h∂̀
pick-UNIT		‘about 10 grams’
(2) šúm- k^h∂̀
pick-UNIT		‘about 50 grams’
(3) lèηho-t∂ η-k^h∂̀
?-cake-UNIT		‘about 250 grams paked in leaves’
(4) šón-nao-k^h∂̀
gourd-DIM-UNIT		‘about 250 grams packed in leaves’
(5) h∂m-p^hó-k^h∂̀
pot-?-UNIT		‘about 375 grams packed in leaves/pots’
(6) càolào-ši	h∂ η- k^h∂̀
	cook-UNIT	‘about 500 grams cake (enough for a single cooking for a certain large group of people)’
(7) cìruk-k^h∂̀
basket-UNIT		‘about 750 grams in baskets’
(8) k^h∂ nap	cì-h∂ η- k^h∂̀
?	CAU-cook-UNIT	’10 kgs. (cake/block)’

2.10.4. Liquid/ wine measurement

Tangkhul-Naga measurement for liquid i sonly used with khor ‘soft rice beer’ and z∂m ‘strong rice beer’.

(1) k^hor-rám
beer- ?	‘about 500 ml. in gourd’
(2) k^hor-poη
beer-carry	‘about 1000 ml. in gourd’
(3) luηcí-h∂m	(a kind of pot)
‘about 10 liters in earthenware’

2.10.5. Paddy/grain measurement

Different sized bamboo and cane baskets are used in measuring grains. Examles are :

(1) kái-rei-k^h∂̀
basket-AUG-UNIT	‘about 2 ½ kgs’
(2) kái- šón	(basket-a kind of basket)
	‘about 5 kgs’
(3) η∂̀kái-lùk
divide-basket	‘about 10 kgs’
(4) k^hùi-lui- k^h∂̀
?-UNIT	‘about 20 kgs’
(5) ot-p^húη- k^h∂̀
thing-carry-UNIT	‘about 60 kgs’
load

2.10.6 Thatch measurement

Thatch is measured by à-p^hé or à-k∂̀-p^hé ‘a bundle’ measuring about 2 ½ feet in circumference. Six of such bundles make one p^húη- k^h∂̀ ‘one load’ (Lit : ‘carry one’) which can be carried by most of the adults.

2.11. Division/periods of time

In the formation of names of division of time in the language, roots of certain semantic classes undergo derivation or compounding. The following are the names of parts of the day, days of the week, months and seasons.

2.11.1. Parts of the day

(1) η∂̀-yá sèi-lù η
FX-night-?-middle	‘midnight
(2) mí-m∂̀η-s∂η
dim-EXP-REDU	‘about 2 ½ hrs. ‘after midnight’
(3) h∂̀r-và-k^hón		m∂̀ η = feeling of blur vision associated with loss of balance
fowl-M-sound cock	‘the time the cocks crow/early morning’
(4) ziη-c∂ r	k∂̀-p^ha
sky-bright	NOMZ-pluck	‘the time just before sunrise’
(5) η∂̀-t^hór
FX-early	‘morning’
(6) zei-yár-k^h∂̀
spear-throw-UNIT ‘about half on hour after sunrise’ (Lit : The distant of the sun from the horizon so close that it seems one can throw spear at the sun)
(7) p^h∂ -zat
prepare-eat+ NOMZ	‘morning meal (breakfast) time’
(8) t∂ nt∂k-vat
work-go +NOMZ	‘time to go to fields’
(9) t∂ nt∂k	vǜ-rì-h∂p
work	peace-MOD-EXP
‘about one hour after people have gone to fields’ (Lit : ? Everyone has gone to fields that there is dead silence in the village)
(10)ziη-yór-šum
sky-jump+catch-hold	‘fore-noon’
(11) η∂̀-sún
FX-day	‘day’	(as opposed to ‘night’)
(12) n∂̀-sún-lùη
FX-day-middle	‘mid-dya’
(13) ziη-m∂̀k^hei
sky-bend	‘afternoon’
(14) sèi-hóm-ún		[hóm is mid-toned when used as a verb]
cattle-tend-return + NOMZ
‘the time when cattle return from grazing’
(15) yùp-y∂̀p-s∂p	yup=become dim suddenly
EXP- EXP - EXP	y∂p = indistinct momentary sight
‘dusk’	s∂p = just enough
(16) t∂ nt∂k-ún
work-return+NOMZ	‘time when the fowls retire to rest’
(17) h∂̀r-k∂t
fowl-go up+NOMZ	‘time when the fowls retire to rest’
(18) η∂̀-zín
FX-evening	‘evening’ (as opposed to ‘morning’)
(19) loη-k∂t
gang-go+NOMZ	‘the time young boys go to girl’s place (early night)’
(20) n∂̀-yá
FX-night	‘night’

2.11.2. Days of the week

Before that advent of the Britishers (in the late nineteenth century) there were no names for the days of

the week. The following names were newly-coined during the early twentieth century.

mat-t^h∂̀η		pém- t^h∂̀η
absent-day	‘Sunday’	full-day	‘Thursday’
hòr-t^h∂̀η		so- t^h∂̀η
Shine-day	‘Monday’	bless-day	‘Friday’
sok-t^h∂̀η		kùp- t^h∂̀η
out-day	‘Tuesday’	finish-day	‘Saturday’
yáo- t^h∂̀η
sow-day	‘Wednesday’

2.11.3. Months

The Tangkhul-Nagas commence the New Year after 12 days the t^hi-sam ‘festival for the ‘rest’

of the dead souls’ (which is observed in the beginning of February). The following are the names of months :

m∂̀-rún	‘March’	p^héi	‘September’
m∂̀yo	‘April’	pí	‘October’
k^h∂̀-yìη	‘May’	tá-t^h∂ -rá-ha	‘November’
k^h∂̀-r∂m	‘June’	η∂̀-p^héi	‘December’
m∂̀- k^hǘ	‘July	k^h∂̀-yon	‘January’
m∂̀-ran	‘August’	t^h∂̀-raη	‘February’

2.11.4. Seasons

There are eight seasons in Tangkhul-Naga. The names of six seasons collocate with k∂̀-caη ‘moon/month’ as under :

m∂̀yo	k∂̀-caη
serene	month	‘early spring (the time plants sprout)’
kán-rèi	k∂̀-caη
dry-AUG	month	‘spring (dry season)’
yàη-yir	k∂̀-caη
?	month	‘summer (early summer)’
zúr	k∂̀-caη
wet/soak	month	‘rainy season’
mà-t^hei	hao-yàη
paddy-fruit	red-EXP	‘autumn’
mà-há	k∂̀-caη
harvest	month	‘harvest season’
sí	k∂̀-caη
cold	month	‘winter’
m∂̀-k^hao	m∂̀-rao
FX-dirt	E	‘sowing season’