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alphabet-the inventory of letter-devised for an unwritten languages must equate 
with the inventory of phonemes set up for that language. The earlier assumption 
that the taxonomic phonemes set up in structural phonology form the basis for 
the alphabet has been discussed recently (Chomsky and Halle 1968 : 49-50, Halle 
1969). The role of non-linguistic, psycho-cultural factors in devising an alphabet 
has also been discussed (Nida 1954). This paper does not discuss these questions 
which arise in devising an alphabet but restricts itself to the question of giving 
suitable symbols or shapes to the decided phonemes for an unwritten language. 
It must, however, be pointed out hat the model of phonemic analysis is relevant 
for the symbolization of alphabet also in some cases. In Irula, a Dravidian language 
of the Nilgiris, voiceless and voicedstops contrast in the word initial position 
but only the voiced stops occur in the intervocal and post nasal positions. (There 
are be handled differently.) Ingenerative phonology, the underlying representations 
can have voiceless or voiced stops in the initial position and voiceless stops 
in the other two positions. If the Irula alphabet is drawn from the Tamil script 
which has only one series of stops, the allophonic distribution of voiceless stops 
will be identical in both languages and it will help the transfer of learning 
from Irula to tamil. Moreover, Irula will have limited instances of modification 
for voiced stops. (Periyalwar, forthocoming). 
 
There is no purpose in inventing a new script to write an unwritten language and 
it is wise to use one of the existing scripts for this purpose. It has been recommended 
by one commission (GOI 1966 . 141) and more than one seminar on tribal education 
(NCERT 1967 : 193, CIIL 1971) that the alphabet for the unwritten tribal languages 
(and other majority languages) must be drawn from the script of the majority or 
the official languages of the State (called the State language hereafter) in which 
they are spoken for socio-economic and educational reasons. When the symbols in 
the State languages have the same sound value as the phonemes of the unwritten 
language, the same symbols will be used in the unwritten language also irrespective 
of the fact that, by the strict structural principles, the phonemes in both languages 
do not have the same value due to different structural relationships between them. 
For devising alphabet the sameness of the substance of the phonemes in the two 
languages is sufficient. When the state language has symbols for phonemes which 
are not found in the unwritten languages, those symbols must be left out. They 
must be left out even if the sounds they represent are available allophonically 
in the unwritten language because for the speaker of the unwritten language only 
the phonemes are psychologically real and having symbols for allophones will add 
unnecessary complication.
 
When the unwritten language has phonemes which are not found in the State language, 
new symbols must be devised for those phonemes. It is possible to give symbols 
in such case which are totally unrelated to the script of the State language. 
But they will stand out visually as foreign elements and may go contrary to the 
direction of writing the symbols in the State language, thus interfering with 
hand movement and lowering down the speed. Therefore, it is not normally advisable 
to mix foreign symbols with the symbols of the State language. It is not completely 
rules out. However, it has been suggested that in Gojri the phonetic sumbol e 
may by used for the sound it represents (Sharma forthcoming). It blends with the 
calligraphy of the Perso-Arabic script in which Gojri is written.1
 
One is normally left with two choices to represent new phonemes. The unused symbols 
in the State language, i,e., the symbols which do not used to represent the new 
phonemes. Or diacritic modifications may be made on the symbols whose sound value 
is closer to the new phoneme.2 This may be explained with two illustrations from 
the symbolization of the alphabet of Kok Borok, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken 
in Tripura, using the symbols drawn from the Bengali script. Kok-Borok has / w 
/ for which there is no symbol in the Bengali script. To represent this phoneme, 
the symbol for the long vowel / u / in Bengali which is not a phoneme in Kok Borok 
may be used, or a diacritic modification of the symbol for /u/ may be used. Kok 
Borok does not have long vowels but has two tones, level and high. To symbolize 
the vowels with high tone, the symbols for long vowels in Bengali script may be 
used, or a small circle after (Chatterji 1972) the symbols for the corresponding 
short vowel may be used.
 
The choice between the possible symbolizations can only rarely be made on pure 
linguistic grounds. In the above example, the symbols for Bengali / u / cannot 
be used to represent Kok Borok / w / if it is also used for / ú /, since 
it will violate the linguistic principle that the relation between phonemes and 
alphabet symbols must be unique. Another linguistic consideration may be the phonetic 
relationship between the sound and the symbol. Even though the relationship between 
the sound and the symbol. Even though the relationship between the sound and the 
symbol from the State language which is phonetically closer to the sound of the 
unwritten language. In Thadou (Thirumalai 1972), for example, the phonetic closeness 
has decided on the choice of aw to represent 
/  /. Extra-linguistic 
factors must often be taken into consideration to make be whether a particular 
choice will hinder or help the learning process of (1) the mothertongue and (2) 
the State language, since a primary aim of devising a script for an unwritten 
language is to help the education of the children of that language. Other consideration 
such as distinctiveness of symbols for efficient reading, speed of writing and 
printing-typing facility also relate in some way to the learning process. However, 
no study has been made on the relative efficiency of scripts from the learning 
point of view to tell whether using the existing symbols of the script of the 
State language with new sound values or using modified symbols for the new sounds 
will give the least problem to learn the State language. Controlled experiment 
on this question is immediately necessary.
 
When long vowel symbols are not available in a script, the tones may be represented 
linearly by utilising unused symbols or non-occuring sequences of symbols, or 
concurrently by using a diacritic mark below, above or by side of the vowel as 
mentioned above. For example, it was originally suggested for Ao Naga, which draws 
its alphabet from the Roman script. that Q and q after vowels may be used for 
high and low tones respectively (Gowda 1975).
 
The native literates objected to this since for them it makes the spelling of 
words cumbersome and marks the visual beauty of the words. It is suggested for 
Tangkhul Naga ( Arokianathan forthcoming) that repetition of the vowels as in 
aa and addition of h as in ah may be used respectively for high tone and low tone. 
It is suggested for Bolo, which uses the Devanagari script, that the visarga * 
may be used for high tone and consequently o for low tone. There are other ways 
of representing the tone linearly as in Punjabi where the symbol for voiced aspirated 
stop indicates the tone of the following vowel. In the present writing practice 
of Ao Naga a voiced stops, which are not contrastive at the segmental level, seem 
to indicate the high tone of the following vowel.
 
When a diacritic mark is used to mark tones acute and obtuse accent marks above 
the vowel as in á and à or a line above and below the vowel as in 
a and * are some possibilities. When there are more than three tones, one is compelled 
to use a combination of the different modes of representation. Use of diacritic 
mark is necessitated for writing segmental; phonemes also in some cases. For example, 
to use the Tamil script, which has no symbols for voiced stops and central vowels, 
for writing Irula, which has these phonemes, diacritic marks like colon ( : ) 
before stops and umlaut ( .. ) above vowels or combinatory consonant - vowel symbols 
are necessary.
 The choice 
between the various representation described above must be made from the point 
of view of simplicity and the reading and writing difficulties it avoids. For 
example, the line used above and below the vowel for high and low tones respectively 
will be ambiguous as to whether it goes below the vowel in the first line or above 
the vowel in the second line when they occur in consequentive lines and will create 
reading difficulties.
 
It is argued by some that suprasegmental features like tone need not be symbolised 
since the native speakers can identify a word with its correct tone in the given 
context. This is not however a correct solution to the difficulties of representing 
tone. There are situations where the non-native speakers have to learn the unwritten 
language which is reduced to writing and they cannot predict the tone. The native 
speakers themselves will need the tone marking in ambiguous contexts where more 
than one word is possible. When the native children are taught reading in school, 
tone marking will be required to help them to perceive the unique symbol-sound 
correlations, which is an important step in the process of learning initial reading. 
Often tones have dialect variation. Since a function of writing is standardization 
of the language and in school the children must learn the standard forms, it will 
be necessary to symbolize tones in words as in the standard dialect.
 
It must be clear from the earlier discussions that it is not necessary to have 
a single unitary symbol for a phoneme. This is true of segmental phonemes also. 
For example, a language like Lushai, which uses Roman script, may use ng for the 
velar nasal, hm for the prereleased bilabial nasal, tl for the laterally released 
dental stop and aw for the lower-mid back unrounded vowel as long as the sequences 
of phonemes also. If they do, the invariant relationship between phonemes and 
the symbols of the alphabet will be violated. It can be done, however, if these 
sequences of phonemes are infrequent, by using an hyphen between the letters to 
indicate that they are two segments. This will be a natural solutions if morpheme 
boundary coincides with the hypen. For example, in Thadon (Thirumalai 1972) th 
stands for aspirated dental stop and t-h for the cluster of /t/ and /h/.
 
One of the allophones is chosen as the basic allophone to represents the phoneme 
on the basis of certain phonetic and phonemic factors of the language under analysis 
and the symbols of the alphabet match these basic allophenes. However, in the 
case of unwritten languages, symbols reflecting the sound of a non-basic allophone 
may be chosen if the alphabet of the State language dose not have a symbol for 
the basic allophone but has a symbol for a non-basic allophone.
 
When multiple analyses are possible, which are equally valid on linguistic grounds, 
the choice between them may be made on the basis of the phonemic system of the 
State language and the alphabet which reflects it. In Kok Borok, the non-syllabic 
vowels may be analysed phonemically either as syllabic vowels or as semivowels. 
Since in Bengali they are analysed as syllabic vowels and the Bengali alphabet 
uses the symbols for pure vowels and not semivowels, from the point of view of 
making the learning of Bengali easy, in Kok Borok also the symbols for pure vowels 
may be represent the phonetically non syllabic vowels.
	
It is not sufficient to consider the phonetic inventories alone when choosing 
symbols for writing. The combinatorial conventions of the symbols will also be 
an important consideration, particularly when the script is not alphabetic. This 
becomes a prime consideration when the Perso-Arabic script is used, since this 
script uses different symbolizations in different combinations. This consideration 
of consonant clusters. The Brahmi derived scripts (except the Tamil script) use 
combinatory symbols (conjunct letters) to represent consonant clusters. There 
is also another convention of using a diacritic in the word final position or 
in unusual clusters. When we devise a writing system of the State language, the 
2question to be decided is whether the conjunct letters or the halant are as follows. 
First, if there is a contrast in the word final position between a pure consonant 
and consonant plus the inherent vowel in the unwritten language, the halant will 
be necessary anyway and it could be given wider functional value by use in clusters 
also. Secondly, if there are considerable number of unusual clusters in the unwritten 
languages, the halant will be necessary and it could be given universal value 
by use in all clusters. Thirdly, it is easier and faster to learn reading and 
writing of consonants with halant than conjoined consonants. Fourthly, the use 
of mechanical devises such as typewriter is facilitated when halani is used. The 
reason whieh weigh practice is established in the case of the unwritten language, 
the learner, who will have to learn the reading and writing of the State language, 
will have difficulty in learning a new practice when the facts remain the same 
and the interference of the old practice will slow down the learning process. 
It must be mentioned, however, that it is only an assumption and there is no empirical 
evidence and research is needed in this area. The choice between the two becomes 
more difficult when the State language uses conjunct letters for some clusters 
and halant for others. Because, the question whether one should go in for internal 
regularity or external commensurability will be answered differently depending 
on whether he has a purely linguistic consideration or an educational consideration.
	
Another example of such a situation in the writing of diphthongs. There are cases 
where the number of diphthongs in the State language and the unwritten language 
may not be the same. And the State language may use unitary symbols for certain 
diphthongs, the sequence of vowel and semi-vowel symbols for certain others and 
the sequence of two vowel symbols for certain others. If external commensurability 
is desired, the irregular system in the State language must be followed to represent 
the identical diphtongs in the unwritten language and the new diphthongs may follow 
any one of the ways. If internal regularity is desired, one of the ways must be 
chosen and used uniformly for all the diphtongs of the unwritten language. Similar 
question arises when using the Oriya script for Kuvi. Oriya has no long vowel 
symbols for / e / and / e / but Kuvi needs them. Doubling of the short vowel symbols 
may represent these long vowels. To keep this pattern consistency, it has been 
suggested (Reddy et al 1975) to use double short vowel symbols for all the long 
vowels of Kuvi. There is no research on the educational implications of this.
	
Another question regarding the writing convention is the value of inherent vowel. 
The same value, whether / " / or /  /, may be given as in the State 
language in the unwritten language also. The problem comes up when the unwritten 
language does not have a phoneme with the value of the inherent vowel in the State 
language or has more than one phoneme contending for this position. It is true 
that an unwritten language derives uses the same script. This will be very clear 
in the case of a language is an important consideration in devising an alphabet 
for the unwritten language, it is preferable to have the sound values in both 
alphabets similar wherever possible. The problem mentioned above can be illustrated 
with Bodo. Bodo has / " / and / o / with an allophone [] as distinct 
phonemes. If Bodo derives its alphabets from the Bengali-Assamese script and the 
learning of Assamese is the consideration, the phonetic value of the inherent 
vowel must be / o /, which is closer to the Bengali-Assamese /  /. The Bengali-Assamese 
symbol for / a / must be used for the Bodo phoneme / " /. Consequently, some 
modification of it will represent the Bodo / a /. If Bodo derives its alphabet 
from the Devanagari script and learning Hindi is the consideration, then the phonemic 
value of the inherent vowel-must be / " /, which is its value in Hindi.
	
Another convention in the writing system of many Indian languages is the use of 
anusuar to represent the nasal preceding the homorganic stop. It is perfectly 
possible to use the full nasal symbol with halant in this situation also as, for 
example, the Tamil writing system does or to use a conjunct letter. In the case 
of an unwritten language, therefore, there are three options. It is preferable 
here again to follow the convention in the State language.
 
A question related to the discussion of the symbolization of alphabet in the spelling 
of words borrowed from the State language. The question of their representation 
arises when the pronunciation of the loan words has been assimilated to the phonemic 
system of the unwritten language as well when the loan words consists of phonemes 
which are not found in the native phonemic system of the unwritten language. Let 
us take the second situation first. The choice is between writing the foreign 
phonemes with available native letters or writing them with same letters used 
in the State language. Many Tibeto-Burman languages do not have the phoneme / 
j / but they use frequently the English words like jeep, Jesus, etc., which have 
this phoneme. In such situations, following the setting up of marginal phonemes, 
marginal symbols of alphabet may be set up. This will be particularly helpful 
when the donor language is to be learnt.
 
In the first situation, the linguistic consideration and the educational consideration 
are in conflict and therefore the choice is difficult. From the linguistic point 
of view, it is preferable to write the loan words as they are pronounced in the 
unwritten language so that the learning of the systematic relationship between 
sounds and letters in initial reading and writing is not interfered with exceptions 
to general rules. The Bengali word 
/ ghn?t? / 'bell' is pronounced as 
/gnta/ is Kok Borok, which does not have voiced aspirated and retroflex 
consonants in its phonemic system. If this word is written as 
/ ghn?t? 
/ in Kok Borok, it is not only against the linguistic principle of phoneme - grapheme 
match, but also the deviation from the pronunciation will cause reading and writing 
problems. This problem will be acute when the writing system of the State language 
from which the words have been borrowed is not phonemic like English. If words 
like bus, church, rough, Christ, etc., are written as they are spelled in English 
in the unwritten language since their pronunciation is different phonetic values 
in the native language. If, on the other hand, the loan words are written as they 
are pronounced, It may create problems when the spelling of the major language 
is learnt as the spelling learnt in the native language is likely to be transferred 
to the second language. Besides this learning problem, the speakers of the unwritten 
language feel that spelling the loan words, particularly proper nouns and religious 
words like Chirst, church etc., differently from the donor language destroys the 
isomorphic identity tokens may be written as they are spelled in the donor languages. 
This will also avoid complications in legal documents where the names have so 
far been written in this fashion. Regarding common nouns, the solution may be 
to write, particularly in text books, the loan words as they are pronounced by 
the speakers of the recipient language but to give the spelling of the donor language 
within parantheses or at the bottom of the page.
 
Another question to be dealt with is about the riting conventions followed in 
the State language such as starting every sentence and some words with a capital 
letter as in English, not starting a line with a pure consonant as in Tamil etc. 
Having more than one type fo letters - e. g., print, cursive lower case and upper 
case letters in English - also comes under this. There is no logical need to follow 
such conventions in the newly written languages also. As a matter of fact, having 
more than one type of letters complicates the learning of initial reading and 
writing. Neverthless, psycho-cultural factors play a role in accepting or rejecting 
the conventions of the State language.
 
The final question is about the organization and presentation of the alphabet 
chart. It was noted above that a sequence of symbols (i.e. combined letters) can 
be used for a single sound consisting of simultaneously occurring bundle of phonetic 
features. The question is whether the sequences should be listed in the alphabet 
chart. Should foir example, the Mizo symbols aw, ng, hm, tl be listed ? In the 
current practice the first two are listed but not the rest. There is no logical 
reason for this discrimination but it is not clear whether there is any psychological 
basis. This kind of discrepancy is found also in the alphabets of languages with 
long tradition of writing. In English, for example th, though phonetically is 
unitary, is not listed as a unit in the alphabet. If a part of a combined letter, 
it may be abstracted ans listed separately in any other unitary letter, it may 
be abstracted and listed separately in order to reduce the number of units in 
the inventory, as visarga, anusvar and chandrabindu are given in the Devanagari 
script. If h stands only for the low tone with many vowels, it may be listed separately 
and each combination of vowel and h need not be listed.
It 
will not, however, be possible, when a phonetic features is represented by a process 
and not by a unique symbol as in representing a high.
tone 
vowel (v) by the repetition of that vowel (vv).
 
Another question regarding presentation is the order in which the symbols are 
listed. For the educational point of view discussed above, the order of the alphabet 
in the newly written language must follow the order in the State language with 
the new symbols added after symbols which are phonetically close to them. For 
language which use the Roman script, however. one may argue, from the point of 
view of national patteran, that the articulation based order of the Brahmi derived 
alphabets of India may be followed rather than the arbitrary order of the Greek 
based Roman alphabets of the Europe.
F 
O O T N O T E S
1. 
Examples may be found in written languages also. Five of the Brahmi derived grantha 
letters added to the Tamil alphabet have continued to have marginal existence 
in spite of their non-acceptance by great literacy authors like Kamban and opposition 
by purists. But the use of the Roman F for the voiceless labio-dental fricative 
/ f / strated by a Tamil magazine called Thuglak did not find and acceptance.
2.	
Either one of these two is followed by a written language also when it develops 
new phonemes. To represent fricatives, Tamil uses one of its rarely used letters 
called aytam (*) before the stops and Hindi uses the diacritic mark (dot) below 
the stops. 
R E F E 
R E N C E S
Arokianthan, 
S. (Forthcoming) - Tangkhul Naga Phonetic Reader, Mysore ; CIIL.
Chatterji, 
Suhas, 1972. Tripurar Kok Bokar bhashar likhita rupe uttaran (Introduction to 
the writing system of Kok Borok of Tripura). Calcutta : Institute of Languages 
and Applied Linguistics.
Chomsky, 
Noam and Morris Halle. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English, New York : 
Harper 
and Row.
CIIL. 1971. 
Conferences of Heads of Tribal Research Bureaus/Institutes, Etc. Mysore. 
(cyclostyled.)
Govt. 
of India, 1966. Report of the Education Commission (1964-66) Education and 
National 
Development. New Delhi : Ministry of Education. 
Gowda, 
K.S. G. 1975. Ao Naga Phonetic Reader, Mysore : CIIL
Halle. 
Morris 1969. "Some thoughts on spelling", In Kennath S. Goodman and 
James T. 
Fleming (Ed) Psycholinguistics and the Teaching of Reading, Newark, 
Delaware : International Reading Association.
Karapurkar, 
P. 1972. Tripuri Phonetic Reader, Mysore: CIIL
NCERT, 
1967. Tribal Education in India : Report of the National Seminar on Tribal 
Eductaion 
in India.
Nida, Eugene, 
1954. Practical Limitations to a Phonemic Alphabet. The Bible Translator 
vol. 
5 No. 1.
Perialwar, R. 
(Forthcoming). Irula Phonetic Reader, Mysore: CIIL
Reddy, 
B. R. K., Upadhyaya, S., Reddy, J. 1975. Kuvi Phonetic Reader, Mysore : CIIL.
Sharma, 
J. C. (Forthcoming). Gojri Phonetic Reader, Mysore ; CIIL
Thirumalai, 
M. S. 1972. Thadou Phonetic Reader. Mysore : CIIL.